Sunday, February 12, 2023

The Untold Truth Of Henry Kissinger

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and became famous for shaping policy in Vietnam,  
the Middle East, and especially China. This  is the untold truth of Henry Kissinger.
Henry Kissinger was born  Heinz Kissinger on May 27,  
1923. He spent his early childhood in  Furth, a city on the outskirts of Nuremberg,  
the second largest city in Bavaria. Kissinger  was the son of Louis and Paula Kissinger,  
a Jewish couple whom the Irish Times  described as, quote, "profoundly religious."
In November 1923, Adolf Hitler's emergent  Nazi party staged the Beer Hall Putsch  
in a failed attempt to overthrow the  Bavarian government. Ten years later,  
Hitler would be chancellor, turning Germany  into an oppressive dictatorship that reserved  
particular hostility for the  nation's Jewish population.  
Kissinger's family was among the many that  fled the country, leaving Furth in 1938.
Fortunately, the Kissingers left Germany before  Kristallnacht, which occurred on November 9th  
through 10th of that year. Also known as  the Night of Broken Glass, Kristallnacht  
was a pogram against Jewish people and property,  resulting in the deaths of 91 people, the looting  
of 7,500 Jewish businesses, and the vandalism of  some 1,000 synagogues, according to Britannica.
Kissinger arrived in the U.S. aged 15 and  settled in New York's Washington Heights,  
which had so many German immigrants  that it was sometimes referred to  
as the "Fourth Reich," according to The  New Yorker. During these early years,  
Kissinger worked in a factory making shaving  brushes and planned on becoming an accountant.
As detailed by The New Yorker, Henry  Kissinger was drafted into the U.S.  
Army in 1942. He relished the role  so much that a compatriot observed,
"He was more American than I  have ever seen any American."
Historian Jeremi Suri notes how he was  recruited for this role because he spoke German,  
had cultural knowledge of Germany, and was  of Jewish heritage, which gave the Americans  
confidence that he would be anti-Nazi.  Serving in the 84th infantry division,  
Kissinger was awarded a Bronze Star for his  help in breaking up a Gestapo sleeper cell.
It was during his military experience  that Kissinger met Fritz Kraemer, a fellow  
German-American some 15 years older than him.  Kraemer was an intense man who had animosity for  
both Communists and Nazis, with whom he apparently  fought in the streets of Weimar Germany.  
Kraemer's "Nietzschean" perspective on the world  caused Kissinger to describe him as, quote,  
"the greatest single influence on my formative  years." However, according to Globalo, Kraemer  
cut ties with Kissinger in the 1970s because  he was, quote, "visibly repulsed by Kissinger's  
egotism and vanity." The Guardian reported  that Fritz Kraemer died on September 8, 2003.
After holding various positions in government  and publishing influential books such as Nuclear  
Weapons and Foreign Policy, Henry Kissinger became  head of the National Security Council in 1969,  
a year in which the anti-Vietnam War  movement held some of its largest protests.
According to Salon, Kissinger  asked the Pentagon to outline  
possible bombing strategies in Indochina, the  former French colony that encompassed Vietnam,  
Laos, and Cambodia. Soon, it was decided that  Cambodia was the best target for America's  
fleet of B-52 bombers. This is because it  was host to large tracts of the Ho Chi Minh  
trail, which the Viet Cong used to move  fighters and equipment into South Vietnam.
The ensuing campaign — dubbed Operation  Menu — was conducted in total secrecy,  
for Kissinger knew that Congress would  oppose the bombing of a neutral country.  
Kissinger was reportedly  "hands on" with the operation  
and was reportedly very excited by the  strategy. According to a Pentagon report,
"Henry A. Kissinger approved each of  the 3,875 Cambodia bombing raids in 1969  
and 1970 [...] as well as the methods  for keeping them out of the newspapers."
Ultimately, the U.S. dropped 500,000 tons  of bombs on Cambodia between 1969 and 1973,  
killing a minimum of 100,000 civilians.
A defining tenet of Richard Nixon's and  Henry Kissinger's relationship was pursuing  
detente with the Soviet Union. According to  Britannica, when Nixon assumed office in 1969,  
he was keen to reduce America's military  commitment without losing face. Namely,  
he sought to achieve, quote,  "peace with honor" in Vietnam,  
detente with the Soviet Union, and the opening  of relations with China, which had diverged from  
the Soviet Union during the Sino-Soviet split,  according to the National Cold War Exhibition.
Diplomacy with the Soviet Union was a  gravely complicated issue, but Nixon had  
a strong reputation as an anti-Communist  and "tough negotiator." This gave him the  
confidence to pursue peace without fear of harsh  criticism from conservative members of Congress.  
Kissinger assisted Nixon by negotiating  the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, or  
SALT, which featured the Treaty  on Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems  
and the Interim Agreement and Protocol on  Limitation of Strategic Offensive Weapons.  
These were signed by Nixon and General  Secretary Leonid Brezhnev on May 26, 1972.
Henry Kissinger's involvement with China  is perhaps his most enduring legacy.  
According to The Independent, Kissinger's  appeal to other world leaders likely stemmed  
from his success in coordinating a meeting  between President Richard Nixon and Chairman  
Mao Tse-Tung — one that certainly elevated him  from simple politician to phenomenon status.
In 1971, Kissinger left Islamabad and laid low  for a few days, ostensibly because he was ill.  
However, he had actually flown to Beijing for a  secret meeting with the Chinese Communist Party.  
China and the U.S. were ideological adversaries  and had no formal relations, notes The Atlantic,  
but Nixon was intent on  alleviating China from, quote,  
"angry isolation," as he wrote in  October 1967. The University of  
Southern California reported that Kissinger  spoke with Premier Zhou Enlai, telling him,
"It is the conviction of President  Nixon that a strong and developing  
People's Republic of China poses no  threat to any essential U.S. interest.  
It is no accident that our two countries  have had such a long history of friendship."
The meeting was a success, with Kissinger ranking  Zhou Enlai as the most impressive statesmen he  
had met since Charles De Gaulle. As shown in White  House papers, Kissinger suggested that Nixon could  
visit in the spring of 1972, but the president's  visit occurred even earlier on February 21-28,  
which Nixon described as, quote,  "the week that changed the world."
In 1973, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded  to Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho for  
negotiating the Paris Peace Accords, which  secured a nationwide ceasefire in Vietnam,  
the withdrawal of all U.S. troops there, and  dismantling of all U.S. bases within 60 days.
"The ceasefire will take effect at twenty-four  hundred Greenwich Mean Time, January 27, 1973."
Furthermore, it stipulated that Vietnam  would remain split at the 17th Parallel,  
and that reunification of the  country would be achieved, quote,  
"through peaceful means." In reaction  to the prize, Kissinger said,
"I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace  
Prize. [...] I can only accept  this award with humility."
Tho, however, refused the prize because he  didn't want to be associated with Kissinger,  
according to Time magazine. However, he may  have also rejected it because of rank hypocrisy,  
as Tho would oversee the North Vietnamese invasion  of South Vietnam in 1975. Many were appalled by  
Kissinger's award, including two members of  the Nobel committee who resigned in protest.
The Yom Kippur War broke out in  October 1973 when Egypt and Syria  
attacked Israel on two fronts during the  holy day of Yom Kippur. The battle ebbed  
and flowed and was costly for both sides  until the fighting ceased on October 26,  
following cease-fire resolutions from the  United Nations. According to Jeremi Suri,  
Henry Kissinger stepped in at this point and  changed the Middle East dynamic. As noted by Suri,
"[Kissinger became] the leading  negotiator between the Israelis,  
the Egyptians, and other  major actors in the region."
Kissinger's intervention became known  as "shuttle diplomacy," which referred  
to how he "shuttled" between the combatants to  broker deals and achieve peace. In negotiations,  
Kissinger had a flexibility that was able to  placate both Israelis and Arabs, which afforded  
him greater success than the Russians, who were  blighted by Moscow's "rigid bureaucratic chain."  
However, while he successfully negotiated borders  and buffer zones between Egypt and Israel,  
Kissinger neglected other parts of the  Middle East, namely Palestine. This would  
sow resentment in a region that would  see great suffering in the 21st century.
After the success in China,  Vietnam and the Middle East,  
Richard Nixon was concerned that Henry Kissinger  was overshadowing him. According to Vanity Fair,  
Nixon thought that Kissinger considered  himself to have a superior intellect and  
that he acted as Nixon's puppet master. Nixon also  resented Kissinger's popularity with the press.  
Nixon would even refer to the, quote, "K  problem" in conversations with H.R. Haldeman,  
the White House chief of staff.  Nixon was reported to have said,
"Henry's personality problem is just too  [...] difficult for us to deal [with]."
Kissinger would use his signature flattery to  manipulate Nixon, but the president sometimes  
distrusted his admiration. Nixon would sometimes  toy with Kissinger to keep him in check.  
For example, Nixon knew that Kissinger desperately  wanted to be the man to make the secret visit to  
China, so Nixon tortured him by suggesting all  of the other worthy candidates for the job,  
forcing Kissinger to sell himself to him.  Kissinger, meanwhile, privately referred  
to his president as "that madman," "our  drunken friend," and "the meatball mind."
Many people have consulted Henry  Kissinger since he left office,  
including presidential candidates. According  to ABC, Hillary Clinton said that she "relied  
on his counsel" when she was secretary of state  during the Obama administration from 2009 to 2013.  
Referring to Kissinger as  "a friend," Clinton wrote,
"[Henry Kissinger] checked in with me regularly,  
sharing astute observations about foreign leaders  and sending me written reports on his travels."
Clinton's relationship with Kissinger  became particularly contentious during  
her 2016 debates with Bernie  Sanders, in which she said,
"I was very flattered when Henry  Kissinger said I ran the State  
Department better than anybody  had run in a long time."
Sanders would say,
"I happen to believe that Henry Kissinger  was one of the most destructive secretaries  
of state in the modern history of  this country. I am proud to say that  
Henry Kissinger is not my friend. I will  not take advice from Henry Kissinger."
Henry Kissinger's legacy is  divisive and controversial.  
A Politico article asked 10 historians  to summarize Kissinger's career,  
and the response was broadly critical. However,  the sharpest criticisms came from Christopher  
Hitchens, the revered public intellectual  and author of The Trial of Henry Kissinger.
"We as Americans think it's a disgrace, that Henry  Kissinger's sheltered by the U.S. government."
In it, Hitchens argues:
"[Kissinger should be prosecuted] for war crimes,  
for crimes against humanity, and for  offenses against common or customary or  
international law, including conspiracy  to commit murder, kidnap, and torture."
According to George Washington University, judges  in Chile, Argentina, and France responded to these  
damning accusations by summoning Kissinger for  questioning. Once such summoning occurred when  
Kissinger was staying in Paris, causing the  former secretary of state to leave the city.
"Kissinger's never said a word of self-criticism.  Not one. And he gets very petulant and angry."
In response, Kissinger slandered  Hitchens in a radio interview,  
accusing him of Holocaust denial. Hitchens  quickly threatened legal action, saying,
"Mr. Kissinger will be hearing from my attorney,  
who will tell him two things he already knows —  what he said is false, malicious and defamatory,  
and if he says it again, we will  proceed against him in court."
When Hitchens was suffering from terminal cancer,  
C-SPAN asked what his reaction would be if  Kissinger attempted to reconcile. Hitchens said:
"It would be extremely interesting,  
but one of the reasons I detest him is  that I sort of know that couldn't happen.  
He wouldn't even agree [...] to have questions  submitted in writing, let alone to meet me."
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